第二点，半岛不能战、不能乱。半岛任何战乱都会带来无法想象的严重后果。如何来实现无核化？最终还是需要通过谈判解决。就和伊朗核问题的解决一样，十年谈判，十年磨一剑。半岛核问题就是因为六方会谈中断了八年，才出现了朝鲜一次又一次的核试验。我们当然要通过新的联合国决议，采取进一步有力措施，有效阻断朝鲜方面的核导发展计划。但是另一方面，我们绝不能放弃和谈的努力，因为和谈才是解决问题的唯一可行途径。中方作为六方会谈东道主，我们履行责任和义务，本着公正客观立场，提出了一个并进谈判的思路，那就是半岛无核化和停和机制转换并行推进。没有半岛无核化，就没有停和机制转换；反过来，停和机制转换不起来，各方的合理关切、包括朝鲜方面的安全关切都得不到解决，那么无核化也难以真正可持续地落到实处。这两个方面需要齐头并进，它的特征在于明确了无核化的大方向，同时合理平衡地解决了各方要价。我们愿意同其他各方进一步探讨如何推进这一并进思路的路径和步骤。
Secondly, there can be no war or turbulence on the Korean Peninsula, otherwise there will be horrible consequences. How to achieve denuclearization? Ultimately, we have to go through negotiation, just as in the case of the Iranian nuclear issue, where 10 years of negotiation has produced the comprehensive agreement. I know Wendy Sherman is in the audience. She, on behalf of the American government, made an enormous contribution to the negotiation. And we admire her for her hard work. In the case of the Korean nuclear issue, the Six-Party Talks has been stalled for eight years. And in that period, we've seen multiple nuclear tests. There will be a new U.N. Security Council resolution entailing further actions to limit the development of nuclear missile technologies in the DPRK. Yet, at the same time, we must not give up on peace talks, which provide the only viable solution to the nuclear issue. China is the chair of the Six-Party Talks. We are fulfilling our responsibility and obligation. And we have put forward the idea of pursuing in dual tracks the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula, and the replacement of the Korean armistice with a peace agreement. In other words, without denuclearization there will not be a peace agreement. On the other hand, without a peace agreement and without addressing the legitimate concerns of the parties, including those of the DPRK, then denuclearization cannot be achieved in a sustainable way. So we have to pursue both in parallel to achieve denuclearization and to address the concerns of the parties in a balanced way. We're prepared to work with the relevant parties to work out the pathway and steps for this dual track approach.
第三点，中国正当的国家利益必须得到保障。这里大家自然想到“萨德”反导系统。美国有可能在韩国部署“萨德”反导系统，这最终将由韩国来决定。韩国的内政我们当然是不干涉的。我们也理解美国和韩国在这种复杂形势下维护自身安全的迫切需要。但我要告诉大家的是，“萨德”反导系统X波段雷达覆盖范围已深入中国内陆，也就是说中国的正当国家安全和利益很可能受到损害、甚至威胁。所以美国和韩国如果商量是否部署“萨德”反导系统的时候，应该考虑中国的合理安全关切，应该给中国一个有说服力的、能够让中方信服的解释和说明。中方的上述要求合情合理。
And thirdly, I must say, China's legitimate national interests must be upheld in the process. And many of you may have in mind the deployment of the THAAD missile defense system. The United States is likely to deploy THAAD in the Republic of Korea. Of course, it's up to the ROK government to make a final decision. To some extent, it's their internal affair and China does not interfere in the internal affairs of other countries. And we understand that in a very complex environment, the United States and the Republic of Korea want to ensure their own security. But I must point out that the X-band radar associated with the THAAD system has a radius that goes far beyond the Korean Peninsula, and reaches into the interior or China. In other words, China's legitimate national security interests may be jeopardized or threatened. So after the news broke that the U.S. and the ROK may discuss the deployment of THAAD, we believe China's legitimate security concerns must be taken into account, and a convincing explanation must be provided to China. I don't think it's too much to ask. It's a reasonable position.
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