182, 184
Ching with glory went to war: why were we the leaders?
When Kuang of Wu seized power, why were we so long defeated?1
185
How did she run round the gate and pass through the altar of
earth till she came to the burial mounds, and by this
wantonness and lightness bring forth Tzu Wen?6
[九一]吾告堵敖以不长，（186）
何试上自予，而忠名弥彰！(187）
186, 187
... Tu Ao4 would not reign for long. /How was it that, sure
of his own right, he threatened his king, yet the fame of his
loyalty gloriously spread?5
以下是译者为解释他的原译句(1、2）所作的注：
1 Ching was another name for Ch'u. Kuang was the name of King Ho Lu of Wu. Ch'u led a successful campaign against Wu in the 6th year of Ho Lu's uncle Yu Mei (538B. C.). But Ho Lu's generalship put an end to Ch'u's run of victories.
2 In 506 B.C.the Wu armiesentered Ying,the Ch'u capital, and desecrated the tomb of King P'ing. King Chao of Ch'u had to flee into the marshes with his sister and a single retainer and for several months lived like a hunted animal.
我们可以从译者对原句的理解和注释看出来，译者已广泛参考了自王粥、洪兴祖、朱熹以来多位注家的诠释，特别参照了近人闻一多的见解。但是时代在发展，文学研究者的观点在发展，古籍发掘和考证工作在发展。根据当代《楚辞》研究者的意见，以上三个诗节（八九、九O、九一）是屈原以比兴手法(八九节第一行及第三行）自述境遇，然后引述楚国历史事件（伍子胥事件见《史记·伍子胥列传》，堵敖事件见《左传》）以古讽今，加上抒怀述志，特别是表明了自己的政治态度。这三节的特点是寓意向于意义中。因此就翻译而言，我们必须把握意义的意向性，紧扣作者意向着笔。译者应勇于消解被历史传统封闭在“逻各斯中心”框面中的原作者意向，而正是这种意向常常并不完全见诸于文字的表层结构中，这里很可能正埋藏着原著大师惨淡经营的匠心！执着、拘泥于文本表层结构断不能把握其深层意义，翻译也只能基于皮相之见，则译犹未译矣。
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