In our time, political speech and writing are largely the defence of the indefensible. Things like the continuance of British rule in India, the Russian purges and deportations, the dropping of the atom bombs on Japan, can indeed be defended, but only by arguments which are too brutal for most people to face, and which do not square with the professed aims of political parties.
Thus political language has to consist largely of euphemism, question-begging and sheer cloudy vagueness.
在我们这个时代，政治性讲话和写作多半是为不可辩解的事情进行辩解。像维持英国在印度的统治、俄国的清洗和流放、在日本投掷原子弹这样的事情，确实是可以辩解的，不过只能用大多数人所不能接受的蛮横的论据，而这又不合那些政党所标榜的宗旨。因此政治语言就不免主要由委婉含蓄的隐语、偷换概念的诡辩和纯属掩饰的含糊其辞所组成。（《英语世界》91/2，42页）
英语句群中的arguments一词带有两个which从句，是两个并列的限定成分，逻辑结构（或称连贯结构）为：
译文进行逻辑重组后相应部分的逻辑结构被调整成：
……的→论据 // 而这……
限定 转折
可以看出，译文和原文相比，无论在逻辑关系和线性顺序上都发生了明显变化。逻辑关系的重新确立以及线性顺序的重新排列——这是建构译文连贯结构的两大要素，是译者思维从原语语篇逻辑转换为译语语篇逻辑的重要思路。
It has become increasingly clear that the United States must find methods to control inflation, probably the single problem that most worries the average American. President Jimmy Carter noted that inflation is the cruelest tax that anyone can pay. Many people agree with that statement, arguing that the persistent decline in the dollar's purchasing power hurts people directly
because products cost more, and also causes a kind of psychological damage. Recent polls have shown that the average American, far from being optimistic, expects prices to rise to ever higher rates.
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